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News and Current Events / The million dollar question about Africa
« Last post by staff3 on November 12, 2018, 01:17:11 PM »
The million dollar question about Africa

Tidiane Kasse
Research shows that, in 40 years time, if the rate at which synthetic product is developing remains constant, the world will find synthetic substitute for many raw materials. Now, the world, today, dominantly depend on Africa's raw materials for it's survival, evidently research proves that Africa supplies 60% of the world's raw materials. We also know that US/EU capitalists are only interested in providing Africa with 'AIDS', loans and other grants, primarily because of their interest in our raw materials. Now, the million dollar question is, should the world succeed in completely finding a synthetic substitute for our raw materials, and, in turn, disregard its dependence on Africa's resources, which will ultimately mean, those who grants 'AIDS'  to many African countries halt that, what will that mean for Africa, are we going to die off?

Currently, 40% of Ghana's national budget is supplemented by 'AIDS', and whoever supplies the 'AIDS' is only doing so because of the benefit it derives from Ghana. So once the 'AIDS' provider finds no interest in our resources due to discovery of synthetic substitute, where will Ghana find that 40% supplement?

These are some issues that policy makers and leaders should project their mind on.

It will also interest one to wonder why these Europeans are making so much effort to find such synthetic substitutes, because it's obvious that they have all African leaders and resources under their thumb, and it looks like there's no hope for Africa regaining her dignity and resources. Well, in my opinion, I think it's more of fear than strength that has spurred these Europeans into the act of finding cheaper synthetic substitute for the world's raw materials. This is due to the fear that, which will eventually happen, Africa one day will rise up, wake up, and claim ownership of her resources and dignity and concentrate her resources to the development of Africa. European imperialists and capitalists are taking advantage of the power and wealth they posses today to circumvent the occurrence that is bound to happen, in order to find means to keep her self on the safer edge, even when Africa withdraw her resources from these Europeans. My criteria is the experience European imperialists have had from the revolution of slavery and colonialism.

It's up to African masses to rise and kick out current crop of misleaders, establish a genuine and patriotic leaders, such that we utilize our resources to the development and improvement of the African.

Osei Agyemang
የማንነት ዘረፋ በእጅጉ ያስቆጣው የካፋ ህዝብ በ28/2/2011 ከያሉበት በመውጣት በከፍተኛ ሁኔታ ተቃውሟቸውን ማሰማት ከጀመሩ እነሆ 4 ቀን ሆኗቸዋል።

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''የኢትዮጵያ ቡናና ሻይ ባለስልጣን በፈረንጆቹ አቆጣጠር Decmber 4 እና 5 2018 እ.ኤ.አ
ዓለም አቀፍ የቡና ኮንፌረንስ በአዲስ አበባ እንደሚካሄድና ከጉባኤ በኃላ ለዓለም የቡና መገኛ ወደ ሆነዉ ካፋ ዞን እና ብቸኛዉ የብሔራዊ ቡና ሙዚዬም የሚገኝበት ቦንጋ ከተማ እናት ቡና ወደምትገኝበት ዴቻ ወረዳ ማንኪራ ቀበሌ ቡኒ መንድር ጉብኝት እንደሚደረግ November 2 post ማድረጉ ይታወቃል ፡፡ሆኖም ግን ባለስልጣን መ/ቤት 22/02/2011 ዓ.ም ወብ ሳይታቸዉ (website) ላይ የለቀቁትን በመቀየር የአንድን ሕዝብ ታሪክ በተዛባ መልኩ መረጃንአሰራጭተዋል ፡፡ ይህ ደግሞ የአንድ ሕዝብን ታሪክ በተሳሳተ መረጃ ታሪኩናንና ማነቱን የማጥፋትና እንዲሁም የሀገራችንን ሕዝብ በማሳሳት ሕዝብና ሕዝብን ለማጋጨት የተሰራ ግልፅ ደባ ሲሆን በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ አሁን ሀገራችን የጀመረችዉን ሠላምንና ድሞክራሲን የማጎልበቱን ሂደት የሚያጨናግፍ እንዲሁም በካፋ ሕዝብ ላይ የታወጀ የታሪክ ስርቆት ነው:: እንዲህ ዓይነቱ የማንነት ዘረፋ በእጅጉ ያስቆጣው የካፋ ህዝብ በ28/2/2011  ከያሉበት በመውጣት በከፍተኛ ሁኔታ ተቃውሟቸውን ማሰማት ከጀመሩ እነሆ 3 ቀን ሆኗቸዋል። መንግስት በጉዳዩ ላይ ትክክለኛውን ምላሽ እስኪሰጥ ድረስ በካፋ ዞን በአጠቃላይ የትራንስፖርትና የንግድ እንቅስቃሴዎች ተቋርጠዋል:: ይሁንና መንግስት በጉዳዩ ላይ እስካሁን ምንም ዓይነት ምላሽ አልሰጠም::

የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ይህንን ሀገር የማፍረስ ሥራ የተሰማሩትን ተቋማትንና በተቋሙ ዉስጥ በእንደዚህ አይነቱ እኩይ ተግባር ላይ የተሰማሩትን በማጣራት እርምጃ እንዲወሰድባቸዉ ሕዝቡ አጥብቆ በመጠየቅ ላይ ይገኛል፡፡ በእንደዚህ አይነተ ተግባር ላይ የተሰማራዉ ተቋም በአሁኑ ጊዜ የጀመርነዉን ለዉጥ የማደፍረስና የሀገራችንን አንድነት ሆነ ብሎ ለማፍረስ ዝግጁ መሆናቸዉን በተግባር አሳይተዋሉ ፡፡
ይሁንና የካፋ ህዝብ በጨዋነቱና በአስተዋይነቱ እንዲሁም በአርቆ አሳቢነት ስለሚታወቅ ጉዳዩን የሚመለከተው አካል ማለትም የፌደራል መንግስት በአስቸኳይ ትክክለኛውን ምላሽ በማንነቱ ለማይደራደረው የካፋ ህዝብ እንዲሰጥ ያስፈልጋል ብለዋል::

ይህን አስነዋሪና ቆሻሻ ተግባር የፈፀሙት ግለሰቦችም ሆኑ ተቋማት ባስቸኳይ እንዲመረመሩና ባደረጉት ተግባር ትክክለኛ እርምጃ እንዲወስድባቸው በማለት በአፅኖት ጠይቀዋል። ይህ ካልሆነ ግን ትክክለኛውን ፍትህ እስክናገኝ ድረስ ተቃውሟችን ይቀጥላል በማለት አቋማቸውን ገልፀዋል። አያይዘውም እስከዛሬ ድረስ ሲበደልና ሲዘረፍ የነበረው የካፋ ህዝብ ቡናን በተመለከተ ከሚያቀርበው የማነንት ጥያቄ በተጨማሪ እኛ ራሳችንን ማስተዳደር እንችላለን፣ ካሁን በሗላ የደቡብ ክልል የሚባል የአሸንጉልቶች ድርጅት አይወክለንም፣ ራሳችንን ማስተዳደር ስለምንችል የክልል ጥያቄያችን ይመለስልን በማለት አቋማቸውን በመግለፅ ላይ ይገኛሉ።''


eLA NEWS RELEASE 19 October 2018
For immediate release


International experts at this year’s eLearning Africa conference, which has just taken place in Kigali, Rwanda, were upbeat about the long-term prospects for African economies. The reason, they say, is that there is a new mood of “confidence” and a growing understanding, among African political leaders and employers, of the vital importance of investment in education and training.

“The mood was very striking this year,” says Rebecca Stromeyer, the founder of eLearning Africa, which is Africa’s largest conference on technology assisted learning and training. “It is quite clear that learning professionals and political leaders from different parts of Africa are feeling a lot more confident about the future.

“They understand what needs to be done. They are beginning to work together. They are using technology very effectively and in increasingly innovative ways to meet new challenges. Information and communications technology offers Africa huge opportunities and African educators have not been slow to take advantage of it. Now we are starting to see the benefits.”

In part, the growing sense of confidence that African educators feel may be down to the African Union. The fact that it set out a clear vision for the future, its 2063 Agenda, which maps out the path to a “transformed continent,” has shown both governments and citizens that there is a realistic possibility of ending poverty and building sustainable economic growth.

It is a message that appears to be getting through to governments and international organisations.

Roland Lindenthal of Germany’s Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) said that the German Government would ensure that at least one quarter of all its development aid for Africa in future is devoted to support for education.

Several speakers at both the eLearning Africa conference and its accompanying Ministerial Round Table, at which African ministers of education and ICT discuss the role of new technologies in spreading learning opportunities, called for a greater percentage of both public spending by African countries and development aid to be devoted to education and training.

“Now is the time to increase spending on education,” said Maximilian Bankole Jarrett, the final Director in Charge of the Africa Progress Panel which was chaired by former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan from 2007-2017. “We have to show our commitment. It is pointless talking about the crucial importance of education in transforming Africa if we don’t show our commitment by investing in it. We have a huge opportunity now, provided in large part by new technologies, to spread the benefits of education to every corner of Africa.”

International investors are well aware of the benefits support for education can bring. Margot Brown, Director of Knowledge Management at the World Bank, told a plenary session of the conference that “African countries have a chance to leapfrog many of their competitors. The African Union has set out is ambitious 2063 Vision for a ‘transformed continent.’ That vision can be a reality. It will happen, as both the AU and the World Bank realise, if we focus on education.”

Other keynote speakers at the conference, which was attended by over 1,000 participants from more than 70 countries, included Hon Dr Eugene Mutimura, the Minister of Education of Rwanda; Hon Jean de Dieu Rurangirwa, Minister of Information Technology and Communications of Rwanda; Dr Bitange Ndemo of the University of Nairobi, Clarisse Iribagiza, the CEO of DMM.HeHe, Dr Martin Dougiamas, the founder of Moodle, the world’s biggest online, open source education platform; Professor Laura Czerniewicz of the University of Cape Town; Dr Mamphela Ramphele of Reimagine SA; Prof Nii Quaynor of the African Network Operators Group, and Elliott Masie, founder of the Learning Consortium and Director of the Masie Center.

The conference was accompanied by a large exhibition of products, services and courses.
During the closing session of the conference, a lively debate on the possible implications of a ‘fourth industrial revolution’ for Africa, it was announced that next year’s eLearning Africa will be held in Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire from October 23 – 25, 2019.

For more information about eLearning Africa, or to take part, please contact

eLearning Africa is the key networking event for ICT supported education, training and skills development in Africa and brings together high-level policy makers, decision makers and practitioners from education, business and government. Over 12 consecutive years, eLearning Africa has hosted 16,228 participants from 100+ different countries around the world, with over 85% coming from the African continent. More than 3,300 speakers have addressed the conference about every aspect of technology enhanced education and skills development. Serving as a pan-African platform, the eLearning Africa conference is a must for those who want to develop multinational and cross-industry contacts and partnerships, as well as enhance their knowledge, expertise and abilities.

eLearning Africa 2018 - 13th International Conference & Exhibition on ICT for Education, Training and Skills Development
September 26 – 28, 2018
Kigali Convention Centre, Kigali, Rwanda

Organised by ICWE GmbH, Leibnizstrasse 32, 10625 Berlin, Germany
Hosted by the Rwandan Ministry of Education and the Rwanda Convention Bureau
Contact: Rebecca Stromeyer,, Tel: +49 (0)30 310 18 18-0, Fax: +49 (0)30 324 98 33
Gold Sponsors: Pearson, Appliansys, Moodle, Mohammed VI Polytechnic University
Silver Sponsors: Catalyst, Vital Source, LinkedIn Learning
Conference Sponsors: Oracle Academy, Altissa, Proctorio, Cengage, WildFire, Technology Partners
« Last post by staff3 on October 20, 2018, 03:21:50 PM »

The Kwame Nkrumah Pan-African Centre and the Pan-African Federalist Movement are convening Africans from all over the world to mark the 60th Anniversary of the All-African People’s Conference (AAPC@60) and the official launch of the grassroots campaign for the political unification of all the African states. The event is scheduled for December 8-13 2018 at the newly-built Cedi Conference Centre at the University of Ghana.

It is increasingly becoming apparent to the African masses that it will be very difficult to  secure a better quality of life and the necessary standard of living as long as we remain divided into 54 small states.

Even though much of the world’s resources are located in our land, many wonder why the exploitation of these resources does not primarily benefit Africans.  The potential to harness these for the economic, social and cultural well-being of all Africans is being squandered. None of these small states has either the political muscle or the economic wherewithal to withstand the wide gamut of pressures from an exploitative world economic order. United, the African State will command a population of 1.2 billion and with the combined strength of Africans outside the continent, we would be the biggest nation in the world. According to the United Nations, Africans on the continent alone could reach 2.5 billion by 2050. It goes without saying that there will be both opportunities and challenges associated with this growth. Only a united Africa can decisively deal with the challenges and also harness the opportunities. There will be better control of our resources – human and material – and the dignity of the African will be guaranteed.

The question of prosperity of the African people through their unity must be explored with a view to charting a new path for achieving the original goals of the fathers and mothers of Pan-Africanism. Undoubtedly, the 60th Anniversary of the All African People’s Conference presents us with such a unique opportunity.

In 1958, Accra hosted the first ever international gathering of Pan-Africanists on African soil. Over 300 people representing over 60 activist groups, liberation movements, labour unions, freedom fighters from 28 countries attended the Conference. Earlier in April the same year, independent African states – only eight then - convened in Accra and agreed to call an All-African People’s Conference in December, opened to all Africans be they independent or under colonial rule and whether they lived in Africa or elsewhere. Speaking to members of the Congolese National Movement later, Patrice Lumumba said, “The number and the nature of its participants, who came from all corners of the world, made the Accra Conference a popular and representative one”.

The purpose of the All African People’s Conference was to discuss the material conditions of the African people then and fashion ways to liberate the remaining dependent countries from colonial rule and imperialism, and no doubt, it did accelerate the pace of liberation across the African continent.  In his speech at Ghana’s independence a year earlier, Kwame Nkrumah had pronounced that “the independence of Ghana is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the African continent”.

Although the 1958 Conference was a significant contributory step towards achieving this goal, it was about more than just independence. For the safeguarding of independence was in unity. Concluding his speech during the opening session, Kwame Nkrumah said, “All Africa shall be free in this our lifetime. For this mid-twentieth century is Africa’s. This decade is the decade of African independence. Forward then to independence. To independence now. Tomorrow, the United States of Africa”.

It is for this dream of a United African States that Pan-Africanists are assembling in Accra - to a large extent, the historical home of Pan-Africanism in Africa – to celebrate the 60th Anniversary of the Conference and strategize on how to achieve the goal of political unity within less than a generation. The theme for the celebration is “Africa Must Unite - A Mission for Our Generation”, carefully chosen to highlight the need for concerted action to achieve the dream of the forefathers and foremothers, a United States of Africa.

Participants will include African and Caribbean current Heads of States and Governments as well as Former African Presidents and Heads of State, Pan-African Federalist Movement Champions, Pan-Africanist organizations, youth groups, women groups and student movements from across the world.

For more information or enquiries, kindly contact:
AAPC@60 Secretariat
2018 World Press Freedom Index | RSF
Finote New Channel

የፍኖተ ዴሞክራሲ ሬዲዮ  ከሰኞ መስከረም 21 ቀን ጀምሮ ስርጭቱን  Nilesat  8 deg West 11595 MHz የሚያስተላልፍ መhoኑን እናስታውቃለን።

Channel Name   : Finote Democracy
Satellite      : Nilesat
Azimuth      : 8 deg West
Frequency      : 11595 MHz
Polarity      : Vertical
Symbol rate   : 27500
FEC         : 5/6
News and Current Events / ኢሕአፓ አንድና አንድ ብቻ ነው
« Last post by staff3 on September 21, 2018, 12:30:50 PM »
የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝባዊ አብዮታዊ ፓርቲ ( ኢሕአፓ )
Ethiopian People´s Revolutionary Party (EPRP)

መስከረም 10 ቀን 2010 ዓ.ም.

ይድረስ ለመላው የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ

ኢሕአፓ አንድና አንድ ብቻ ነው

(PDF Version)

መስከረም 12 ቀን አዲሶቹ ባለስልጣኖች ኢሕአፓ ነን የሚሉ ሕገ ወጥ ግለሰቦችን ወደ አዲስ አበባ ጋብዘው አቀባበል ሊያደርጉላቸውና በድርጅቱ ስምም ሊያንቀሳቅሷቸው ያቀዱ መሆኑን ለማወቅ ተችሏል ። እነዚህ ግለሰቦች ኢሕአፓን ከድተው ከሄዱ 10 ዓመታትን አስቆጥረዋል። ባሁኑ ጊዜ እነዚህን ግለሰቦች ጠርቶ መስተንግዶ መስጠት እነ መለስ ዜናዊ ሥልጣን ሲይዙ እንደተደረገው ሁሉ አስመሳዮችን በኢሕአፓ ስም ለማንቀሳአቀስ የሚደረግ ከንቱ ጥረት መሆኑ ሕዝብ ሁሉ አውቆ ይህን ተንኮልና ሴራ ውድቅ እንዲያደርገው እንጠይቃለን ። ኢሕአፓን ማግለልና ማጥፋት የሻእቢያ፤ የወያኔ፤ የግንጠላ ኃይሎችና የፀረ ኢትዮጵያ ባዕዳን ተልዕኮ ሆኖ ለረጅም ዓመታት መቆየቱን የማያውቅ የለም ማለትም እንፈልጋለን ።

በ45 አመታት የኢሕአፓ የትግል ዕድሜ አንጃ የምንላቸው ቡድኖች ተከስተውብናል። ሁሉንም በአቅዋማቸው ልናስተናግዳቸው ሙሉ ጥረት ብናደርግም፤ አቅዋማቸውን ብዙኅኑ የፓርቲው አባል አልቀበል ሲላቸው ከድርጅቱ ሕግና ደንብ ውጪ ሆነውና የብዙሃኑን ውሳኔ ረግጠው አንጃ በመሆን አልፎም ለጠላት በማደር ብዙ ጉዳት ንዳደርሱ በታሪክ ደረጃ ያቀረብነው ነው ። አንጃ የተባሉት የተለየ ሀሳብ በማቅረባቸው ሳይሆን አቅዋማቸው የብዙኅኑን ተቀባይነት ሲያጣ አፈንግጠው በቡድን በመሰለፋቸው ነው ። በመስከረም 12 ቀን ወደ አዲስ አበባ ለመግባት በዝግጅት ላይ ያሉት ግለሰቦች ከአስር ዓመት በፊት “ከመለስ ዜናዊ አገዛዝ ጋር አብረን እንስራ፤ ሕገ አራዊቱን እንቀበል፤ ትግሉን አቁመን እጅ እንስጥ” በማለት ሀሳብ ያቀረቡና አቋዋማቸው ለድርጅቱ አባላት ሁሉ ቀርቦ ተቀባይነትን ሲያጣ የድርጅቱን ጉባኤ ረግጠው የወጡ ናቸው። ከድርጅቱ ከተለዩ በኋላ ከዚያ በፊት ባልታየ መንገድ ራሳቸውን ኢሕአፓ ዴምክራሲ በኋላም ኢሕአፓ አንድነት በሚል ሰይመው የኢሕአፓን ስም ለመቀማት ቢሞክሩም ሳይሳካላቸው ቀርቶ በቁጥር ተመናምነው ሲባዝኑ ኖረዋል። ከዚያም ወዲህ ጉባኤ ረግጣችሁ መፈርጠጣችሁና የድርጅቱን ህጋዊ ስም መጠቀማችሁ ስህትተት መሆኑን አምናችሁ ወደ ድርጅቱ ተመለሱና በህጉ መሠረት አቅዋም የምትሉትን ማቅረብ ትችላላችሁ የሚል ተደጋጋሚ ጥያቄ ቢቀርብላቸውም አሻፈረኝ ብለውና ኢሕአፓነትን ተቃርነው ቆይተዋል ።መስከረም 12 ኢሕአፓ ተብለው ለአዲስ አበባ የማወናበድ ተልዕኮ የታጩት እነዚህ ግለሰቦች አንዳንዶቹም መቸም ቢሆን መቸ የድርጅቱ አባል ያልነበሩ፤ አንዳንዶቹም በስነሥርዓት ጉድለት ከድርጅቱ ከዓመታት በፊት የተባረሩ ነበሩ።

ኢሕአፓ አንድና አንድ ብቻ ነው ። ስሙም አርማውም በሕግ የተመዘገበ ነውና አጭበርባሪዎቹን ማስተናገድ ሕገወጥ መሆኑን ለዘመኑ ባልሥልጣኖችም ተነግሯቸዋል ። የጥላቻና የግንጠላ አባውራዎችን እየሰበሰቡ ያሉት ባለስልጣኖችና ባዕዳንም ለኢትዮጵያ የቆመውን ሀገር ወዳድ ድርጅት ስለሚጠሉ አስመሳዮችን ተክተው ሊያጠፉት ጥረት በማድረግ ላይ ናቸው ። ይህ ዘመቻ ሻዕቢያና አረቦችም የሚደግፉት ነው ። ኢሕአፓ ወያኔ ኢሕአዴግ ተጠግኖ መቀጠል ሳይሆን መወገድ አለበት፤ የሽግግር ሂደት ተጀምሮ ወደ ሽግግር መንግስት አምርቶ ሀገራችን ዴሞክራሲና ሕዝባዊ ጉዞ ማድረግ አለባት፤ ሉዓላዊነቷም መረጋገጥ አለበት፤ አንዱን ዘረኝነት በሌላ መተካት የለብንም፤ ሀገራችን የጥላቻ አውሬዎች መፈንጫ መሆን የለባትም በማለቱ ድርጅቱን ለማግለልና በስሙ አስመሳዮችን ለማሰማራት እንቅስቃሴ እየተደረገ ነው። የዛሬ 27 ዓመት ፎረም 84 ወዘተ ብሎ ወያኔ የሞከረውን እንዳከሸፍነው ሁሉ አባላት፤ ደጋፊዎችና ሌላውም የኅብረተሰብ ክፍል ይህን ሴራ ሊያከሽፈው ይገባል። በጥቂት ወራት ውስጥ የታየው ሁኔታ ሕጻናትን ጨምሮ ንጹሃንን የሚያርዱ አውሬዎች የሚሰማሩበትና የሀገር ክቡር ሰንደቅ ዓላም ይዘው ተቃውሞ የሚያሰሙ ኢትዮጵያውያን ዱርዬዎች የሚባሉበት ክስተት ነው። ሀገራችን ለከፍተኛና አስከፊ አደጋ ተጋልጣለች፤ኢትዮጵያዊነት እየተጠቃ ነው። ኢትዮጵያን ከጥፋት ለማዳን ከፍተኛ ርብርብ በሚያስፈልግበት በአሁኑ ሰዓት ኢሕአፓ እያካሄደ ያለውን ትግል ለማኮላሸት ስሙን ነጥቀው በቦሌ ወደ አገር የሚገቡት ግለሰቦች የትግሉ እንቅፋት መሆናቸውን ሁሉም ዜጋ እንዲገነዘበው እንፈልጋለን።

ኢሕአፓ አንድና አንድ ብቻ ሲሆን ለወያኔ ኢሕአዴግ አይሰግድም!
ኢትዮጵያዊነት ያቸንፋል !!

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Daily Maverick
Ethiopia’s Need for ‘Deep Renewal’
 Greg Mills
4 weeks ago

Supporters of Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed cheer just before an explosion rocked a massive rally to support him in Meskel Square in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 23 June 2018. EPA-EFE/STR

Three major challenges face Ethiopia as it endeavours to maintain growth and widen its benefits, improve its international relations, and steady its domestic politics.

“Democracy is an existential issue for Ethiopia. There is no option,” says former Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, “but multipartyism.”

Hailemariam, who had taken over as the Prime Minister from Meles Zenawi on his death in 2012, resigned in February 2018 following a protracted period of violent unrest, states of emergency and mass arrests. In an interview in Harare in July 2018, where he was heading the African Union’s election observation mission, he said that “if I had not resigned, we would not be talking now”.

Hailemariam Desalegn, the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, speaks during a joint press conference with Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe (not seen) after their meeting at the Presidential Palace in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 13 January 2014 (reissued 15 February 2018).  EPA-EFE/DAI KUROKAWA
Until this happened, Ethiopia’s high rates of economic growth were taken to extol the virtues of authoritarianism or, put more politely, what was described as “a development state”. According to the International Monetary Fund, Ethiopia was the third-fastest growing country of 10 million or more people in the world between 2000 and 2016, recording more than 10% annual growth, nearly twice the regional average.

High growth has been necessary, but the country remains poor, with a per capita income of under $800. Jobs are hard to come by with a burgeoning population, expected to nearly double to 190 million by 2050. Despite a 40% reduction in poverty this century, a quadrupling of primary school enrolment, halving of child mortality and doubling of those with access to clean water, the political unrest has its roots in perceptions of exclusion: of widening wealth inequality between the majority and those with access to power, and of access to power itself.

“Since Meles,” observes the former PM, “there has been a fierce power struggle within the party which I was able to navigate through, as I was considered a neutral person – between those who considered the TPLF [Tigryan People’s Liberation Front] to be the dominant party and those in the other three parties which wanted to end this dominance.”

The Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which has ruled since the removal of the Derg, the military regime led by Mengistu Haile Mariam, in 1991, is made up of four political parties from Oromo, Amhara, the South and Tigray. The TPLF, which led the struggle against Mengistu, has disproportionately benefited from this relationship. Each of the parties has 45 seats in the EPRDF, a structure which grants the Tigrayans disproportionately more power given they comprise just 7% of the population.

Until now, the EPRDF, while formally being elected, has tightly controlled the country and allowed only limited space for civil society and private enterprise.

“Many in the TPLF felt,” maintains Hailemariam, “that even after Meles, that their experience gave them the exclusive right to rule. Whenever I brought new reforms before the EPRDF, these were always undermined by the TPLF, who felt that they owned the existing order.

“I considered how to proceed with such an interparty environment, without it hampering growth and our diplomacy. Yet to get the politics right was very difficult because of the internal power struggle. I had a weak constituency in the EPRDF, among the Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement, SEPDM, as it was considered the youngest and the weakest, and most divided with 56 ethnic groups among its membership. Thus I did not have a high degree of internal support if I took strong action within the EPRDF.

“So I took the message to the party that there was a lack of good governance, and that people had to check the party and its leadership. The danger was otherwise to degenerate into corrupt practices, which was happening, which created internal divisions. Lots of things were not in our control. People, especially young people, who were unemployed, rose up to demand a fair and equitable share of resources, against the TPLF’s perceived disproportionate benefit from the system. This instigated violence across different parts of the country, especially in Oromia.

“There was also the issue of Meles’ stated succession plan. This had not been concluded. Younger leaders, including myself, interpreted this as being the need for older leaders to give over power. This created a clash with the older guys, who were communist-minded, in both ideological and generational terms. This caused instability in the party as we tried to reduce the influence of the old guard, who were particularly influential in the TPLF ANDM [Amhara National Democratic Movement],” tensions which were exacerbated “by corrupt practices”, he adds.

“I believed that if we did not settle these differences, that the country would degenerate. The reforms were very clear, and could not be pushed with my weak capacity and my weak constituency. I believed that there had to be a new person with a dominant force who could save the country. I also thought that this person should come from Oromia, otherwise it would be difficult to stop this.”

Demonstrations in Oromia and the Amhara region, comprising the two biggest ethnic groups in the country, had their roots in economic conditions and political restrictions. And until the politics come right, and the policy contradictions are thrashed out, things would not improve at the rate expected and required.

“Our reforms,” he notes, “had been going too slowly to save the country from ethnic disintegration.”

While Freedom House had considered the political system “partly free” in 1995, reflecting the advent of multiparty elections, it regressed to “not free” in 2010 as the government clamped down on political opposition, in which hundreds died. This reached the point, in the words of one minister in July 2018, when “by December [2017] it was not even certain that we could continue as a nation, so great was the crisis. There was a total disconnect,” he said, “between the population and the ruling party” of which he is a member.

“By resigning,” he noted, “Hailemariam made himself part of the solution.

“Before my resignation,” observes Hailemariam, “we had a 17-day discussion among the party. I presented a paper there on deep renewal, which I said should be our motto as we are lagging behind on democratisation, judicial reform, in respecting human rights, in fighting corruption and embezzlement. We needed to discuss these issues openly.”

Hailemariam was replaced six weeks later as prime minister by Dr Abiy Ahmed Ali, 41, who also became chairman of the ruling EPRDF. It was the first time an Oromo, the majority ethnic group in Ethiopia, had led the country. Abiy moved quickly, releasing political prisoners, taking steps to normalise relations with neighbouring Eritrea against which Ethiopia had fought a costly war at the turn of the century, signalled his intent to institute multiparty system, cleaned out the top leadership in the security forces, and launched reform steps in the economy through the sale of stakes in state-owned enterprises.

Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed (L) and Eritrea’s President Isaias Afwerki (R) attend the re-opening of the Eritrean embassy in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in a brief ceremony 16 July 2018.  EPA-EFE/STRINGER
The economic malaise is most notable in the increasing problem of public debt, which has grown to more than 55% of GDP, or $40-billion, and the shortage of foreign exchange, equalling just two months of import cover. These are however symptoms of more dramatic problems relating to the philosophy behind the economy, the space for the private sector, delivery and corruption.

The government has taken on a lot of debt to build mega-projects, such as the $2.5-billion railway to Djibouti, the light railway bisecting Addis, the controversial 5,000-megawatt Grand Renaissance hydro-dam on the Nile near the Sudanese border, 10 large sugar mills, a giant fertiliser plant and low-cost housing. The problem is less about the need for these schemes than their completion.

Three Major Challenges

Now three major challenges face the country as it endeavours to maintain growth and widen its benefits, improve its international relations, and steady its domestic politics.

The first is to institutionalise the reform agenda, making them less vulnerable to the vagaries of individuals, ensuring their continued progress. This requires, Hailemariam says, “including all political parties, including civil society, in these debates and processes”. For example, all parties should be represented through their nominees in the national electoral commission, and that, too, on human rights.

A second challenge is to reconcile the two competing national narratives. Given its guerrilla-struggle origins, unsurprisingly the EPRDF traditionally adopted a far-left, “command” economic model, with the state at the centre. This has morphed into a developmental-state narrative, but still one in which there is little space for the private sector, especially foreigners, to operate. Banks are state-owned and there is, for example, no stock exchange, simply because there is no shares and stocks to trade. The private sector, which is supposed to be driving the productive side of the economy, has been frozen out by the power of the state, both through competition from state-sponsored or -owned enterprises, and by a squeeze on investment capital created by the government’s need to extract resources for its infrastructure plans.

Some government enterprises have worked well in spite of the limits of statism. Ethiopian Airlines, for example, has grown to become the largest (and apparently most profitable) African airline. Over the last 20 years the airline has grown passenger numbers from one million to 11 million, and increased revenue threefold in the last five years. It has driven up its growth through a hub-and-spoke model rather than domestic tourism, flying to 116 destinations with 70% of its passengers transiting through Addis, and through its adroit, far-sighted and professional management.

Then again, Ethiopian Airlines remained well run even during the Mengistu years. This cannot be said for most of the other 25 SoEs, especially the Ethiopian Sugar Corporation (which is supposed to be generating export revenues and has been a disaster), along with those concerned with telecoms, railways, agriculture and chemicals. Overarching problems of corporate management in these bodies have been compounded by preferential political access. Metek, an engineering corporation run essentially by the military, and EFFORT (the Tigrayan firm with its fingers in all manner of pies), offer for example a quite different story to Ethiopian Airlines, one that threatens to undermine the economy while prompting an increasing level of corruption.

This is not the only competing narrative. There are two visions of the Ethiopian state per se. One is ethnically organised, in the reflection of the EPRDF’s regional party composition; the other, apparently favoured by Abiy, is of a unitary, nationalistic model.

“One of the flaws in our current system,” notes Hailemariam, “is the contradiction between a group right and a citizen right. We were skewed in favour of recognising group rights, of an ethnic identify over a national identity. While in theory these rights should be two sides of the same coin, in practice this does not do so. The TPLF but also the Oromo are major beneficiaries of this practice. How this is resolved depends on how Abiy presents himself and how we deal with the tension between these rights.”

As a start, an independent commission on the subject has been proposed.

Third, finally, while Abiy will have to keep moving, there is a need to deliver on the promise of reform.

The most dangerous movement for a bad government, wrote Alexis de Tocqueville in 1856, is when it begins to reform. Abiy has public sentiment on his side, whatever the delivery, at least for a while. As De Tocqueville also noted:

“If a [democratic] society displays less brilliance than an aristocracy, there will also be less wretchedness; pleasures will be less outrageous and well-being will be shared by all; the sciences will be on a smaller scale but ignorance will be less common; opinions will be less vigorous and habits gentler; you will notice more vices and fewer crimes.”

But given that Prime Minister Abiy is likely to encounter resistance from entrenched bureaucratic interests, he would benefit from immediately freeing up capital flows and making it easier for foreigners to invest, for example, by committing Addis to joining international arbitration conventions. There is also a need to strengthen institutional mechanisms dealing with corruption, especially, says Hailemariam, in the areas of “major corruption: land registration, construction, tax administration including customs and revenue, and the judiciary and court system”.

The message from the events in Ethiopia during 2018 is clear. Ethiopians, including the majority of the ruling elite, do not believe that their model of authoritarian politics is sustainable if they want to be an economic success. That much is a lesson to authoritarians elsewhere as much as in all countries in need of reform. DM

Dr Mills heads up the Johannesburg-based Brenthurst Foundation.


The Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA) wishes officially to inform members of the African intellectual community of the passing on of Professor Samir Amin on Sunday, 12th August 2018. For CODESRIA, this marks nothing less than the end of an era in the history of African social research given the many pioneering roles the late Professor Amin played as a scholar, teacher, mentor, friend, and revolutionary. A model for three generations of African and, indeed, radical scholars globally, Professor Amin was that giant Baobab tree whose grandeur of intellect and spirit made him a worthy role model. While serving as Director of the United Nations African Institute for Economic Development and Planning (IDEP), he hosted the initial scaffolding of CODESRIA at IDEP, brought together and nurtured new talent that laid the foundations which launched the Council on a path of growth and resilience to what it is to-date. Serving as CODESRIA’s founding Executive Secretary, he worked very closely with Abdalla Bujra and later Thandika Mkandawire, to shape the initial years of CODESRIA’s intellectual identity and trajectory.

After CODESRIA relocated from the premises of IDEP to a new home in the Fann Residence part of Dakar, Samir Amin remained engaged with Council and its community of scholars, participating actively and effectively in all its activities. The forthcoming 15th General Assembly of CODESRIA to be held in December 2018 might be the first Assembly without Samir Amin. But his intellectual and revolutionary spirit will definitely be present even as his thoughts and ideas that he shared so generously and to the very end will continue to inspire reflection and debate.

Samir Amin’s intellectual journey was long and illustrious. It was marked by commitments that distinguished him as a scholar of unparalleled convictions. He died still an unapologetic socialist academic or, as the title of his memoir reads, ‘an independent Marxist’ whose work was driven by an unshakeable conviction to confront and oppose totalizing economic orthodoxies as a prelude to social transformation. He was steadfast in his belief that the world must shift away from capitalism and strive to build new 'post-capitalist' societies. He described capitalism as a small bracket in the long history of human civilization. His works identify and record the multiple crises of capitalism, a system he described as senile and obsolete. In its place, Samir Amin formulated a political alternative that he envisioned would proceed by i) socializing the ownership of monopolies, ii). definancializing the management of the economy and iii) deglobalising international relations. For him, these three directions provided the basis of an active politics of dismantling capitalism; a politics he committed his skill and energy to mobilizing for. Even as he grew older, he mustered fresh bursts of energy to continue the struggle.

Many of Samir Amin’s writings make the point repeatedly about the urgent necessity to dismantle the ‘obsolete system’ known as capitalism but none was as emphatic in rethinking the underlying cultural underpinning of the ‘obsolete system’ like Eurocentricism. In that engaging publication, he provided a resounding critique of world history centered around Eurocentric modernity and invites us to understand modernity as an incomplete process that, to survive its current crises, will need ‘economic, social and political reconstruction of all societies in the world.’ Embedded in this argument is a long held position about the importance of the Bandung moment (1955) as a moment of an alternative globalization based on Afro-Asian solidarity. It is from this perspective that one understands Samir Amin’s towering global outlook and presence and the resonance of his work in oppressed parts of the world.

There is no doubt that Samir Amin’s intellectual presence was defined by depth of knowledge, complexity of thought and fidelity to Marxist organising principles. There is no way of summarizing the corpus of work he produced, the revolutionary engagements he undertook and the transformative potential that led him to remain steadfast even when many others were only too happy to find a good reason to backtrack and conform. His work is enormous in volume but also in the depth of its knowledge and relevance to society. He provoked and joined debates across the globe but more importantly with comrades in Latin America and Asia, those of the dependency and underdevelopment school. In CODESRIA’s flagship journal Africa Development alone, Samir Amin published twenty articles. A biodata document he shared with the Council has 24 books in English and 41 in French. He is published in at least 14 different languages including English, French, Arabic, Italian, Portuguese, and Spanish. In all these publications and in the various languages, Samir Amin articulated his belief in alternatives, a belief that remained strong even to the last month of his life on earth.

Born to an Egyptian father and French mother on 3rd September 1931 in Cairo, Egypt, Samir Amin’s convictions owe much to the context of his childhood that started all the way from Port Said in northern Egypt to Cairo where he schooled. He spent his early life in Egypt where he attended his formative schooling before proceeding to France to pursue higher education at Institut d’Etudes Politiques de Paris (“Sciences Po”) where he earned a diploma in 1952 and later a PhD in 1957 at the Sorbonne. Samir later earned another diploma in mathematical statistics from L’institut national de la statistique et des etudes economiques. Samir had always been interested in radical thought and action from early on, noting in an interview that he already considered himself a communist in Secondary School. Even though he and his cohort did not know what communism really meant in their early childhood, they assumed it meant “equality between human beings and between nations, and it meant that this has been done by the Russian revolution.” It is not surprising that with this pedigree, Samir Amin focused in his graduate research on “The origins of underdevelopment - capitalist accumulation on a world scale” and emphasized in his work that underdevelopment in the periphery was due to the working of the capitalist system. He consequently underscored the need to search for socialist alternatives to liberal globalisation.

Samir Amin returned to Cairo in 1957, worked briefly in Gamal Abdel Nasser’s Institute for Economic Management (1957–1960) before heading to work as an adviser in the Ministry of Planning in Mali (1960- 1963). Subsequently, Samir Amin’s intellectual life became largely internationalist in orientation, and anchored principally on the question of accumulation as key to understanding underdevelopment. He maintained the sojourn between France where he took up a Professorship in 1966 and Dakar, Senegal his adopted home where he worked for ten years, from 1970 to 1980 at IDEP. Later in 1980, he founded the Third World Forum, originally hosted at the CODESRIA Secretariat, and lent his considerable weight to the institutionalisation of ENDA and the World Forum for Alternatives. His support for revolutionary politics is marked not just in the books and papers he published but also in the lecture circuit where he spoke to audiences about the persisting relevance of radical politics.

Samir Amin’s alternative thinking was in large measure defined by the solidarity built around the Bandung Conference of 1955. This remained a critical touchstone in his work in which non-western civilisations and histories played an important role. Bandung, for him, inaugurated a different pattern of globalisation, the one he called ‘negotiated globalisation.’ Though not a sufficient basis for complete “de-linking” from ‘obsolescent capitalism’, Samir Amin saw in Afro-Asian solidarity possibilities and pathways to that delinking; the process, as he explained, by which you submit “external relations to the needs of internal progressive social changes and targets.” The notion of ‘delinking’ occupied a major place in Samir Amin’s thinking and is positioned in contrast to ‘adjustment’ that was the preferred approach of the Bretton Woods Institutions. He noted that delinking is in fact a process that, depending on the societies implementing it, can be used to install gradual level of autonomous development instead of countries in the periphery remaining locked into and merely adjusting to the trends set by a fundamentally unequal capitalist system.

In Samir Amin, we found the true meaning of praxis; a thinker who insisted that his work has immediate relevance to society. His departure deprives us of the practical energy he brought to our meetings and debates; and denies radical thinkers a model around whom they found the compass that enabled them to navigate the treacherous, indeed murderous, waters of capitalism. We however are lucky to have lived in his company, to have learned from his fountain of knowledge and to have shared in the passion of his convictions. The Council plans to invigorate the value of his legacy by celebrating him at the 15th General Assembly. CODESRIA remains an inheritance that Samir Amin bequeathed the African social science community. We shall never forget. Never.

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